Greek Political Imagery From Homer to Aristotle by Brock Roger

Author:Brock, Roger. [Brock, Roger]
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9781472502179
Publisher: Bloomsbury UK

Notes

1One might expect the link to have been made earlier, given that Persian-sponsored tyrants were a feature of Ionia from the 540s: its absence is most likely to be due to the paucity of contemporary sources for the later sixth century, though the relative lack of personal animus against the tyrants deposed at the beginning of the Ionian Revolt is noteworthy (Hdt. 5.38). For the widespread development of democracy in the last quarter of the sixth century, and very probably in some places earlier than at Athens, see Labarbe (1972), O’Neil (1995), Robinson (1997).

2In classical usage he is usually basileus without the definite article, the ultimate monarch (LSJ s.v. III).

3In practice the interaction of Greek tyrants with Persia was a complex business: see Austin (1990). Since the Persians tended to work with and adapt the constitutional status quo when they extended their empire (Young 1988, 42–3, 103–5, Briant 1996, 82–3, 87–96), subjects in other parts of their empire were not ruled by tyrants, but our classical Greek sources show no awareness of this fact.

4Missiou (1993) argues that doulos essentially renders correctly the implications of Persian ba(n)daka (cf. Cook 1985, 224 n.1), while noting that the terminology was ‘ideologically useful to the Greeks’ (391); Briant (1996) 507, 524, cf. 335–7, 791–2 suggests that the choice of doulos as the nearest equivalent to render ba(n)daka brought with it an element of distortion; Tuplin (2007a) 57 points to a Greek desire to ‘mock their tormentors’ by suggesting that they too were slaves, combined with a tendency to think in terms of polarities, which implies a degree of more wilful misrepresentation, though some Greeks, notably Xenophon, were capable of greater insight (below 157–8). Cyrus may style himself ‘master’ in the Cyrus Cylinder (so Pritchard 1969, 316; Brosius 2000, 10 has ‘lord’); also relevant is the issue of whether Evagoras would make terms with Persia as king to King or doulos to despotês (D.S. 15.8.2–3 with Stylianou 1998 ad loc.). NB [Arist.] de Mundo 398ab for the Persian king as model of remote supreme majesty.

5It is hard to know how much weight to place on the phrase Γαδάται δοὑλωι in Darius’ letter to Gadatas (ML 12.3–4), given the protracted and probably irresoluble debate over its context and authenticity (on which see most recently Tuplin 2009). Even if it is, or derives from, an authentic document of Darius, we cannot know who did the translation or at what date, though the Persian administration certainly contained Greek-speakers: Lewis (1977) 12–15.

6Hall (1989) ch.2, esp. 57–60, 93–8, Goldhill (1988), Harrison (2000) 76–91, all with attention inter alia to the language of accountability, on which NB Roberts (1982) 5.

7Note also the phrase desposunoisin anankais (‘under the compulsion of masters’) a few lines earlier at 587, and the Chorus’ invocation of Darius as despota despotan (‘master of masters’) at 666. Raaflaub (2004) argues that it is precisely at this time that the image of slavery is complemented by that of freedom (58–101, esp. 60–5, 100–1; contrast 27–8).

8On yoke imagery (and related

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